I am happy to report signs of tentative progress in the peace process – no, not between Netanyahu and Obama, Israel and the various Palestinian factions, or at York University.
Rather, what appears to be slow but positive movement is taking place on the haredi-secular front, which has long been a source of conflict, particularly in Jerusalem. Recent battles over the opening of a municipal parking lot on Shabbat for visitors lasted for only a week, far less than the months and sometimes years of warfare that had been waged in the past on what is supposed to be a day of rest.
The previous skirmishes were fought over stores that tried to open on Shabbat, or new roads near religious neighbourhoods (and drivers from Tel Aviv who sometimes went out of their way to provoke the black-coated residents on the seventh day).
But the underlying factors are political and social, as young leaders on both sides use the polarization to gain recognition and support in their own communities. Apparently the long hot Shabbat summer days add to the steam pressure that pushes out the young men of Mea Shearim and nearby neighbourhoods into the streets to join the violence. And in their wake, a parallel process takes place among secular groups, which form counter-demonstrations.
But this time, the new (traditional but not haredi) mayor of Jerusalem, Nir Barkat, refused to play the game. He closed the parking lot, at least for two weeks, while negotiations take place and other solutions are sought. Although he was criticized for capitulating, this may be a clever strategy to take the wind out of the sails of the young hotheads. They will probably try to find a new issue, and Barkat will need to continue to manage this social and political conflict.
The effort to reduce the level of social conflict on this issue – which has erupted periodically since, and even before, Israeli independence – extends to other areas of Israeli life. The difficulties and questions raised by re-establishing a Jewish state 2,000 years after the last attempt ended in failure (and not for the first time) are huge – and there are no good precedents.
Unlike the United States, which was founded as a secular state, for Israel, the separation of church and state is far more complicated. And among our neighbours, with various forms of Islamic regimes and very little democracy (other than Turkey), the examples are also not very helpful.
Many religious Israelis saw, and still see, the return to Zion in religious and even messianic terms. In these communities, rabbis maintain their traditional leadership roles while the secular state is viewed as a hostile force. They see religious law – or their particular versions – as binding, not only on their own communities, but also on other Jews, particularly in the areas of kashrut and Shabbat, as well as conversion and marriage. As a result, their relationship with the modern and secular democratic process, based on majority rule, is awkward, at best, and often hostile.
In contrast, many secular Israelis want to escape what they see as the limitations of religious and rabbinical authority. They want to be able to take the bus to the beach on Shabbat, or to drive their cars to Jerusalem, find a place to park, and spend time in the Old City.
Non-religious Israelis also strongly resent the stranglehold of the rabbinical establishment in the realm of “personal status,” particularly marriage. As a result, many choose not to get married at all, or to leave the country to have a civil marriage, which is then recognized upon return. This is particularly true when recent immigrants from the former Soviet Union are involved.
With such difficult and divisive issues to deal with, it may be unrealistic to expect compromise and peaceful coexistence. But as time passes, there are increasing efforts to escape this cycle of conflict. We have more than enough challenges in the complex Jewish renaissance taking place in Israel, and the religious wars have become tiring.
